ARDHD - LA LIBERTE - Bulletin N°31 du 13/01/01 au 19/01/01

RADIO TROTTOIR : votre chronique hebdomadaire

Y a-t-il encore un Etat à Djibouti ?
La tragique découverte d'un chomeur :
le Président du Conseil Constitutionnel
a son bureau sur coin de table de l'Historil !!

Notre chômeur errant était, comme à l'accoutumée, à la recherche de sa botte de kat. Il rencontra une équipe de la RTD (Radio télévision de Djibouti) . Ils avaient été chargés par le Président du Conseil Constitutionnel de couvrir le 16/01/01 à 9h45 une soit-disant rencontre avec les Délégués des Droits de l'Homme et de la bonne gouvernance (ONU) qui devait avoir lieu au Palais du Peuple. L'équipe de reporters et notre chômeur ont été surpris parce qu'il n' y avait pas de rencontre ! Ils demandent où se trouve le bureau du Président du Conseil, sachant que le palais abrite certains ministères et autres directions.
De surprise en surprise l'équipe et notre chômeur constatent que le Président n'a jamais eu de bureau au palais. Alors ils décident de se rendre à son domicile pour demander où se trouve le bureau du président. Là on leur indique que le bureau se trouve au tribunal. Arrivés au tribunal, il s'avère que le Président du Conseil Constitutionnel n'a jamais eu de bureau et que le ministre de la justice ne lui a jamais rien octroyé.

Toujours dans les couloirs du Tribunal, un magistrat conseille aux reporters et à notre chômeur de se rendre à l'Historil (Bar très connu et situé au centre ville).

Arrivée à l'Historil, le barman confirme que le bureau du Président du Conseil se trouve être l'une des tables. Mais il n'est pas encore arrivé.

A Djibouti, tout est possible !

Le président du Conseil constitutionnel de la République de Djibouti n'a pas de bureau, ça n'étonne personne ? N'est ce pas, Monsieur le Président de République?

En conclusion, comme il n' y a pas de constitution à Djibouti, il n'y a nullement besoin d'un Président du Conseil Constitutionnel. Ce qui confirme bien qu'il n'y a pas d'Etat. Alors la question se pose, Monsieur Guelleh, de savoir de quel Etat vous affirmez être le Président ?

Le lendemain, le 17/01/01 la rencontre a finalement eu lieu dans un bureau au sein du Palais du Peuple.

Aucun des membres de la délégation onusienne n'a cherché à rencontrer l'opposition ni les militants des Droits de l'Homme.

Quelle leçon de bonne gouvernance cette délégation prétend elle donner ?

Que dira le personnel des Nations Unies à l'opposition d'aujourd'hui, quand demain, elle sera au pouvoir, à propos d'un rapport tronqué et de toute évidence, préparé à l'avance ?
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16/01 DJIBOUTI VILLE EN DANGER D'EMEUTE DE LA FAIM

16/01/01
Environ six mille démobilisés ont été déçus par le bureau de Démobilisation et de Réinsertion qui jusqu'à ce jour n'a pas pu débloquer pour les fonds nécessaire les réinsértion.(financer par la Banque mondiale).

Presque la moitié de ces démobilisés sont descendus au quartier commercial. Ils ont pillés tout ce qui se trouvait devant eux, les passants, les commerçantes ambulantes (charcharis, changeuses de monnaies et vendeuses de bijoux).

Le même soir vers 19h00, d'autres mobilisés sont venus saccager la rue des mouches, et la place Harbi (ex Rimbaud), Un vent de panique a soufflé dans Djibouti ville et tous les commerçants ont fermé leurs boutiques.

Ni la Police ni la gendarmerie n'a cherché à arrêter ces pilleurs affamés.
En revanche, ce matin, la police casquée et bottée, armée de Kalachnikov et de grenades lacrimogènes a chargé les pauvres dames, qui manifestaient pacifiquement assises par terre sur le boulevard de la République pour réclamer le paiement de leurs maigres pensions qui accusent au moins deux trimestres de retard.

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Vous trouverez ce texte en Anglais sur le site
somalilandforum.com/Republican8.htm où il a été publié.
Version orginale en Anglais.
Publication based in Hargeisa, Somaliland.
Chief Editor: Yusuf Abdi
Gabobe.
Issue 142, Dec. 30, 2000. Telephone: 253-22-3326, Fax: 252-213-4501,
Email: jamhuuriya@yahoo.com

Traduction française partielle réalisée dans notre entourage - sous toutes réserves d'usage. Nous diffusons ce texte qui est accessible à tous sur le site Web de Somalilandforum.

Djibouti un paradis protégé
pour blanchir l'argent de la drogue

Début juin 1977, deux semaines avant que l'ancienne colonie française de Djibouti ne devienne indépendante, le maire de la ville de Djibouti D Ornano a contacté Hassan Gouled Aptidon, l'homme destiné à devenir le premier président du pays, pour lui demander d'employer M. Romani en tant que conseiller du Président pour les affaires financières. Romani était justement le frère de l'épouse d'origine corse de Monsieur D.Ornano. Il s'était imposé exile dans l'île de Tahiti, pour échapper aux bruits et aux rumeurs qui couraient en France concernant ses liaisons avec le milieu Corse et la Mafia italienne.

Juste après l'indépendance de Djibouti, le Président Gouled a nommé Romani en qualité de conseiller pour ses affaires financières. Grâce à ce poste, le milieu Corse et plus tard la Mafia italienne ont gagné un point d'ancrage important dans un port de la mer rouge.

Durant les années qui ont suivi, les deux branches de Mafia ont pu, sous la direction/ protection de Romani, implanter plusieurs entreprises, principalement dans les secteurs du commerce de boissons alcoolisées, du tourisme (bars, boîtes de nuit, hôtels), du tabac, de la drogue, de la prostitution, du transport maritime et de la construction.

Dans les années 80 et 90, la contrebande d'armes, le blanchiment d'argent provenant de commerce international de drogue et d'autres activités ont été ajoutées à la liste des entreprises illicites déjà bien établies.

Une partie des entreprises dirigées par la Mafia concernent le nightclub Stortit, le Scottish Bar, le club Las Vegas et le casino de l'Hôtel Sheraton (contrôlé jusque récemment par deux Mafieux appelés Luhetti et Pierr-Paul).

Avant sa mort en 1997, Romani était parvenu à augmenter les activités de Mafia à Djibouti, établissant des connections avec des groupes sous-marins à Tahiti, dans les îles de l'Océan Indien : Réunion, Seychelles et Madagascar mais aussi en Corse, en Italie et au Liban.

.........

Suite en anglais (à lire !!)

All along, Djibouti provided the Mafia not only an obscure sanctuary but full protection as well. But it was Ismail Omer Ghelle, (the powerful boss of the notorious secret police under president Gulaid and currently the sitting president of Djibouti) who towards the end of the seventies developed such close links with the Mafia that he became a business partner in most of its syndicates in and outside Djibouti.

Beginning from the eighties and with Ghelle’s encouragement and patronage, the Mafia moved easily into new business areas:

International drug money laundering

Initially most of money laundering operations were executed through Djibouti Bank of the Middle East (DBME) which was actually established for handling this kind of business. Partners in the DBME included some Arab businessmen in addition to the Mafia. Ghelle called Roble Olhaye, a close friend of his from childhood days in Dire-Dawa, Ethiopia, to become the General Manager of the Bank in 1985. Like Ismail Omer Ghelle, Olhaye was born in Ethiopia from an Essa-Mamaasan tribe. After working in some shady business schemes he fled Ethiopia shortly before Mengistu Haile Mariam’s revolution in 1974 to Nairobi, Kenya.

During his stay in Kenya, Olhaye became involved in illegal export of the African elephant tusks through Djibouti. In Nairobi, he also did some business with an international narcotics trafficking dealer. In 1986, the Djibouti Bank of the Middle East was mysteriously declared bankrupt and in 1987 Olhaye was appointed as Djibouti’s ambassador to the UN, a job he still holds.

Another Bank especially established for handling international drug money laundering operations is “Djibouti Development Bank”, founded as a joint venture by the Djibouti Mafia and some Russian emigrants living in the US. The Russians were believed to be members of the powerful Russian Mafia.

Olhaye who owns one apartment in Manhattan, New York city, and another in Washington DC regularly meets the Russians at either one of his two homes. Through this Russian connection, Djibouti President Ghelle had arranged a higher professional training at a private security accadamy in the US for members of a Djiboutian special crack force that comes under his direct supervision.

Recently money laundering operations have been reorganized so as to be spread across banks operating in Djibouti. But a significant part of the business is carried out by a remittances firm run by a Djiboutian business tycoon called Abdulla Taha Saeed. The money laundering techniques used by Djibouti Mafia connection, were not necessarily highly sophisticated to erase the origin of the funds. Djibouti’s geographical position, as an unknown nation snugly lying in the Horn Africa region, where according to much of the world only wars and famine persist, has played to the advantage of drug barons in concealing their money laundering operations from international efforts to expose them.

Drugs, Guns and Liquor Smuggling

In the last decade, Djibouti has become a focal point for smuggling heavy drugs such as cocaine and liquor across the red sea to Saudi Arabia and other Gulf states. A firm registered as a marine transportation company owned by the Monfreid family, has been contracted by the Mafia to carryout these operations out of Djibouti port. Djibouti airport has occasionally been used as a transit point for Europe-bound narcotics and arms for the Hutu of Rwanda and lately for the “Transitory government of Somalia”.

Toxic waste Dumping

Since the early nineties, the Italian Mafia which controls toxic waste dumping in Italy and parts of Europe has shifted its dumping operations at western coasts of Africa to the Red Sea coastal areas of Djibouti and Somalia. On one account, highly toxic and radio-active waste has been dumped at “Gubat-alkharab” and “Muluho” in the Afar-inhabited coastal territory of Djibouti in 1992, 1993 and 1994. The toxic waste disposal venture was jointly managed by Idrisis Omer Ghelle (brother of President Ismail Omer Ghelle) who represented the Djibouti Mafia and the Italians man in Djibouti, Mario Angelo. Both men died later under mysterious circumstances.

After reportedly contracting severe skin diseases and other unusual health problems, the Afar coastal community (subsistent livestock herders and fishermen) at Gubatal-kharab and Muluhu had to flee the area moving in-land, apparently after exposure to effects of the waste dumped in their localities.

Following strong protests by Afar leaders, the dumping operations were since moved to the high seas facing the western coast of Somaliland (opposite the area between Zaila and Lughaya). The Italian Parliament has recently began debating this issue.

Assassinations allegedly carried out by the Mafia on behalf of the Djibouti government

1. Mohammed Idriss (Qaraf)-- Killed in 1991 while investigating the assassination of three Essa men in Dire-Dawa during 1990. Among the 3 victims was Hamud Langadhe, a long-time leader of an anti-Ethiopian insurgency movement whose members were drawn from Issa clansmen living within border areas that fall across the demarcation lines between Somaliland, Ethiopia and Djibouti. Hamud and the other two men came to Dire-Dawa to declare allegiance to the SNM whose guerrilla compaign against the government forces of dictator Siyad Barre had entered its 9th year in early 1990. The Djibouti government, which supported Siyad Barre, became angered by Hamud Langadhe’s move and has been widely held as being behind the elimination.

Before his death, Mohammed Idriss held the position of assistant director of Djibouti’s secret security police. He personally directed the investigation of the killing of Hamud Langadhe and his colleagues. During the investigation, Idriss found sufficient evidence incriminating Ismail Omer Ghelle for masterminding the assassination operation. Idriss started to talk.

Dr. Mohammed Yassin --- A pharmacologist who headed the state - owned medical Drugs Agency. Was killed in 1994 after refusing to obey instructions by Ismail Omer Ghelle, asking him to pay from Agency funds an amount of money needed for hiring an assassination team to eliminate a prominent Essa figure. The targeted man who was hitherto considered a Ghelle confidant had been accused of disclosing highly damaging secrets to political adversaries.

Mario Angelo --- An Italian who arrived in Djibouti in 1978. Mario Angelo was connected to the Italian Mafia and during 1992-1994, he worked with Idriss Omer Ghelle on a project for dumping highly toxic waste along the Red Sea coastal areas inhabited by the Afar people of Djibouti.

A mutual suspicion of each other developed between Agnelo and his Djiboutian counter-parts while the third and last phase of the project was being implemented.

Then at one night in 1994, Mario Angelo was killed infront of Ali Sabieh Hotel in uptown Djibouti known by locals as “Guudka”.

Angelo’s death came shortly after all the waste dumping operations had been successfully carried out. It was widely believed that the timing was not coincidental but preplanned by the Djiboutian/Corsican Mafia connection.

Mafia dominated businesses in Djibouti

Borre Group Ltd. -- Holding company of Abdirahman Borre’s business establishments. A close tribal relative and childhood friend of President Gelle (Essa, clan), Borre is said to be involved in almost half of all the businesses that count in Djibouti that it has been difficult to assess his activities which range from wholesale of imported food material and construction engineering services to general brokering and smuggling of gemstones and counterfeit cigarettes. From an obscure small trader in the early nineties, Borre had become a very wealthy and powerful man at high speed and with little effort.

President Ghelle is said to be a silent partner in most of his commercial and trade activities.

His regional business ties witnessed an incredibly tremendous expansion during the last 5 years that they account now for over 60% of his earnings. Borre controls through smuggling, most of the tobacco cigarettes trade in eastern Ethiopia, Somaliland and Somalia.

His ties with Mogadishu businessmen have substantially grown during the last 3 years. With two of his business partners elected in August 2000 as president (Qassim Salad) and prime minister (Ali Galaydh) of the newly formed transitional government of Somalia, Borre has since taken big preparations to take a lion’s share of expected reconstruction works in war devastated Somalia.

Qassim Salad has already awarded Borre two lucrative contracts: printing of a new Somalia Passport and a new Somalia bank notes. To finance these awards and his future operations in Somalia, he recently paid up $8 million to become a major stake holder in Djibouti Sheraton Hotel only to sell his shares soon after to a wealthy Saudi businessman of Yemeni origin, called Amoudi (same owner of Adis-Abab Sheraton). Borre also received a commission of one million dollar for pretensely brokering in Sept. 2000, a deal between the Djibouti Port Authority and the managers of Dubai Port International who have been contracted to run the free trade zone at Djibouti port.

Borre met some setbacks though specially after it had been established that he was an accomplice in the corruption scandal that brought down former Ethiopian prime minister Tamarat Leyn 4 years ago. As a consequence, he was no more welcome in Ethiopia, though his cigarette brands continued to be smuggled into eastern Ethiopia.

In mid 2000, Puntland was prompted to outlaw Borre’s business activities in the territories under its control following reports that the business tycoon had been destabilizing the regional state in eastern Somalia.

Borre also overseas Ghelle’s secret bank accounts held with banks in French Bolonesia, Seychelles, Lebanon and the UAE.

Marine Transportation: Owned by a French family well known for its involvement in arms trade. Originally founded by Henry de Monfreid in mid 19th century. Now run by two grandsons of Monfreid, the company is involved in the smuggling of Hashish, Cocaine, liquor and Gemstones.

Abdulla Taha Money Exchange & Remittances: Owned by A. Taha, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin. Handles money laundering for the Mafia. In this connection, President Ghelle deals with Taha through a Mamaasan woman with the name of Maryan Ma’aan who works as an executive secretary at Djibouti’s Presidency. Legal counselling on money laundering is provided by a French man called Martinet who holds two official titles: Legal Advisor to the President and Chairman of Djibouti Bar Association.

Concore Co: A building contractors company. Major shareholders are Ismail Omer Ghelle and Saeed Barkhad, Minister of Public works (Samaron-reer Nur)

Comad: A shipping line agency owned by Saeed Sheik Osman, brother of Mahdi Sheik Osman, commander of both the para-military police force, the Gendermere, and the Presidential Guards.

Liban Ismail Omer: The 25 years old son of President Ghelle. Sole distributor of Isuzu Vehicles. Since his father was elected president in April 1999, all government departments were instructed to replace their motor transport with Isuzu cars. As a result, Liban sold several hundred Isuzu vehicles to government agencies. Liban also owns 35 large trucks used in transportation of goods to Ethiopia. Among Liban’s business associates is Patrick, the son of Romani. Patrick runs a chain of night club including a one in Port Elizabeth, Seychelles

Buh Idriss Omer: President Gelle’s nephew. Agent for a Sudanese land transportation Co. Manages 150 trailer trucks for forwarding Ethiopia-bound transit goods. Originally, the firm was co-founded by Muse Shihem, an Afar and former Djibouti foreign minister. Shihem had to relinquish his stake in the company in favor of Bush Idriss as a result of intimidation.

He is now Djibouti’s ambassador to Brussels. As a kind of compensation, Shihem was given a plot of land that the company agreed to use as its encampment site against a monthly rental of DJFr 500,000.

Most of the trucks used by the company had been reported to be in bad shape. No attention was given to constant complaints by the Ethiopians about the inefficiency of the forwarding services.

Other big business names on the Mafia connection:

- Al-Ghamil women wear- owned by Abdulkarim Al-Ghamil, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin.

- Saif Group - owned by Dahir Saeed Saif, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin. A wheeler dealer with exclusive ownership of business services

- Rubah contractors - owned by Ali Rubah, a Djiboutian of Yemeni origin who has monopoly over French army contracts.

- Salim Al-Mudhi - Djiboutian of Yemeni origin who runs “pleasure business”.

Who is who in Djibouti’s Top Power Circle

Besides exclusive ownership of so many shady business enterprises, the ruling clique in Djibouti also enjoys a complete monopoly over political power in the whole country. President Ismail Omer Ghelle, an Essa- Mamaasan- of course sits on the top of the power structure.

Long before assuming the top position of Djibouti president in May 1999 (elected in April), Ghelle was declared by the-then Djibouti president Hassan Gulaid Abtidoon as the undisputed heir apparent to the highest government post in the country.

Although Ghelle remains the most-and-all powerful figure in Djibouti, the following regime insiders (most of them close relatives) rank politically among the most influential personalities in the port-state.

2. Hassan Said: Nicknamed Hassan Madoobe. Mamaasan. Director general of the Security Directorate, a state security apparatus consisting of three departments independent of each other.

SDS -- Specialized in domestic spying

RM --- Military information service and counter intelligence

RG --- General information services. Hassan Madoobe is one of the two persons most trusted by president Ghelle.

3. General Zakaria: Army Chief of Staff, a Mamaasan. Was a lieutenant in the early nineties. Promoted to General because of his close tribal connection to president Ghelle. Together with Hassan Madoobe, Zakaria is among Ghelle’s two most trusted aides.

4. Col. Mahdi Sh Osman: Commander of both the Presidential guards and the Gendarmarie para-military police force. Belongs to the Mamaasan.

5. Abdirahman Borre: Business tycoon, childhood friend and frontman in business circles for Ghelle. Over-all representative for Ghelle interests in the Mafia connection. From the Essa clan.

6. Col. Abdi Kahin: Commander of the Nagad maximum security prison - site for torturing political prisoners. Mamaasan.

7. Sherdoon Abbas: Chairman of the High Court, the only member of the inner circle who is not Mamaasan. He belongs to the Odohgob Essa sub-clan but his mother is the aunt of Ismail Omer Ghelle.

8. Col. Hassan Jama: A Mamaasan Reer Egal. Formerly commander of Djibouti Air Force. Currently in the Armed Forces combined command. Married to a sister of Ismail O. Ghelle.

9. Col. Omer Buh: Operation officer in the Armed Forces combined command. From the Urweine Essa sub-clan. Married to a sister of Ghelle

10. Jama Haid: Governor of Djibouti Central Bank, an Isaak, Habr Awal. Brother of Djibouti’s first lady, Khadra Haid.

11. Jama Ali Ghelle: Director general of Djibouti Electricity power supply Agency. Mamaasan Reer Egal.

12. National Treasurer: Mohammed Qumane, from the Essa Furlabe subclan. Married to the niece of former president Hassan Gulaid.

13. Abdulla Domaine: Director general of Customs & Tariff Department, Reer Egal.

14. Ahmed Dualle: General Manager Djibouti Port Authority, Reer Egal.

15. Dr. Saeed Sheik: Director general of the Medical Drugs Agency. From the Mamaasan subclan.

16. Director General of the Telecommunication corporation.

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